The English government belatedly banned less than one in ten weapon shipments to the zionist forces currently engaged in an active and very public genocide, not to mention a campaign of equally public terrorism against a host of other countries in the region. This seems to the present writer to be an emblematic act of the Liberal Right. It combines the pleasure of engaging in genocide with the pleasure of being seen to do something about genocide (the latter facilitating the former, since you can best enjoy your misdeed if you admit to yourself that it is wrong).

An observer might think that to continue to send 92.5% of weapon shipments would fail to please those peaceniks who want to see an end to shipments altogether, while also failing to please those who want even more violence. But this is to miss the point: Liberal Imperialists enjoy the performance of caring, of showing the anxiety that befalls them as actors in a complex environment. This mild act of inconveniencing zionists is entirely focused on keeping the Liberal Imperialists themselves happy—including the unelected representatives of the Establishment that make up the entire media cohort. 

We have not, and could not, arbitrate on whether or not Israel has breached international humanitarian law. This is a forward-looking evaluation, not a determination of innocence or guilt […] It is with regret that I inform the House today that the assessment I have received leaves me unable to conclude anything other than that, for certain UK arms exports to Israel, there exists a clear risk that they might be used to commit or facilitate a serious violation of international humanitarian law.

Of course, the zionist entity has been found guilty under international law of Occupation and Apartheid, but best for this clownish politician—the English Minister for Foreign Affairs—not to dwell on that. He continues, saying that

this is not a blanket ban or an arms embargo […] The action we are taking will not have a material impact on Israel’s security. […] This suspension will not prejudice the international, collaborative, global F-35 programme […] Commitment to comply with international humanitarian law is not the only criterion in making export-licensing decisions. […] But let me leave this House in no doubt: the UK continues to support Israel’s right to self-defence in accordance with international law.

Then he announces that he is placing new sanctions on Iran, a State not currently committing a genocide.

It is quite hard to find details of the exact 30 licences that have been suspended. It is also unclear what percentage of total weapons these shipments account for, Macdara would guess that 99% of weapons are still being sent. Maybe more. The details are not the important thing here, of course; no one wants to have to read or listen to details. And the government does not want to have to provide details either.
One might think that the constant emphasis on the lack of impact that this new policy will have somewhat gives the game away, but that is to fail to understand what is going on: everyone knows that this is only a game. The English Government is making only enough moves so that its supporters can be content that the game is being played.